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Village house lots is where individual houses or huts of single person or family lives. These houses are built in clusters. The clusters include multiple different aspects, but all look the same.

Each house includes a main sleeping house, a guest house and a latrine. The underbrush covers the entirety of the land.

These plots of land are recognizable to all villagers and are separated by boundaries. Boundaries are usually made up from a variety of rocks, streams, trees and plants.

It is very easy to distinguish the different properties owned by separate families. Family reserve sections are where crops are cultivated.

The biggest amount of crops grown within the Samoan culture is taro leaves and yams. However, they would be no longer classified as a family reserve but regarded as owning the crops but not the land.

This is due to the fact that crops grown here are able to grow quickly and easily without many interruptions. Village land is the least cultivated and most shared portion of land in Samoan villages.

To be able to plant here requires permission from the village council. This is because "the land is community property and not family owned". Traditional Samoan tattoo tatau , pe'a male tatau , malu female tatau , demonstrate the strong ties many Samoans feel for their culture.

Samoans have practiced the art of tattooing men and women for over 2, years. To this day, a man's tattoo extensively covers from mid-back, down the sides and flanks, to the knees.

A woman's tattoo is not as extensive or heavy. The geometric patterns are based on ancient designs that often denote rank and status.

The va'a canoe , for example, stretches across a man's mid-back. In Samoa's cultural past most males were tattooed between the ages of 14—18, when it was determined they had stopped growing, so the designs would not stretch and suffer in beauty.

Today, there has been a strong revival of traditional tattooing in the past generation, not only in Samoa but throughout Polynesia, often as a symbol of cultural identity.

Tatau, the Samoan word for tattoo has a number of meanings including correct or rightness. It also signifies the correct quadrangular figures in reference to the fact that Samoan tattoo designs do not include circular lines, although other Polynesian tattoo motifs do.

Early Englishmen mispronounced the word tatau and borrowed it into popular usage as tattoo. Traditional tattooing is a painful process. The Samoan tattoo master dips his cutting tools into black ink made from the soot of burnt candlenut shells and then punctures designs into the skin.

The cutting tool consists of a short piece of bamboo or light wood with a piece of tortoiseshell bound at right angles at one end.

A little bone comb is bound to the lower broad end of the tortoiseshell. The larger the comb, the greater the area on the skin is covered with fewer strokes.

The master uses a small mallet to repeatedly tap a short-handled instrument. The process takes days and is sometimes partially accomplished over longer periods, with recuperation in between.

Tattoo designs have changed to include freehand symbols such as the kava bowl representing hospitality; the characterization of the Samoan house or fale signifying kinship; emblems of nature — shells, fish, birds, waves, centipedes; and the traditional geometric lines and angles of different lengths and sizes.

Modern pop and rock have a large audience in Samoa, as do several native bands; these bands have abandoned most elements of Samoan traditional music, though there are folky performers.

Recently, the population has seen a resurgence of old Samoan songs, remixed in the style of reggae but with some traditional elements, such as the use of the pate and old chord structure.

In addition to this was the human voice. This limited range of instrumentation had no effect on the importance of music in Samoan life.

Because there was no written language many stories and legends were propagated through song and the complex rhythms from the pate are essential in the performance of many Samoan dances.

In fact in many dances, the dancers themselves add to the rhythm by clapping their hands, and dependent upon the way in which the hand is held produce a range of different sounds.

Two instruments were developed that are now synonymous with Samoan music, the selo and the ukulele. The selo is a stringed instrument made from a broomstick, or similar object, attached to a large box, bucket or other object that acts as a sounding board.

A single length of string joins the top of the stick to the box, which is plucked to produce a sound similar to that of a bass.

The ukele is a small guitar-like instrument but with only four strings. It can be found in two forms, one which is like a miniaturised guitar, the other where the body is made from half a coconut shell.

Western string instruments such as guitars are widely available across the Pacific Islands, with many bands performing and recording acoustic and amplified music in Samoa since the s.

Younger generations continue to perform in string bands as well as gravitate toward genres such as reggae , hip hop , rhythm and blues , gospel and soul.

In Samoa, music is a big part of their culture. Traditional Samoan music still has a purpose and a function in today's society, but has partially given way to contemporary or externally-influenced genre of Samoan music.

Of them are high mixture of Reggae and Hawaiian music which can also illuminate as an important influence on Samoa. There are many popular musicians who hail from, or who are of Samoan descent.

One traditional instrument of Samoa is known as the Fala. It is originally from Tahiti and introduced to Samoa about years ago. It is made of wood from and carved with tribal references or designs.

The Fa'ataupati or slap dance, performed by males, consists of fierce slapping of the body in rhythmic motion to drum beats. Other Samoan dances include the Maulu'ulu , which is an all-female dance that is more elegant.

The Sasa is a dance that can be performed by both males and females in a seated position or standing. The Siva Tau is a war dance performed by Samoan sporting teams before each match.

The Taualuga , a celebratory siva, and center of Samoan culture, has been adopted and altered throughout Western Polynesia.

Traditionally performed by the virgin highborn son or daughter of a Samoan chief, a taupou female or manaia male will dressin full festive attire for the siva.

Usually consisting of a finely woven ie'toga mat decorated with feathers of the "sega" collared lory or blue crowned lorikeet. However, modern performances primarily consist of dyed chicken feathers.

Performers also dress in a surplus of anklets and armbands made of ti leaves, sea turtle shells uga laumei , coconut shells, or boar's tusk.

Followed by the crowning attire of the taupou or manaia, the headdress or "tuiga". Taupous or Manaias, are finished off with a drenching of coconut oil for cosmetic purposes.

Throughout this performance, performers are accompanied by upbeat yet simple drum beats usually performed at a variety of cultural celebrations.

Athletes of Samoan descent are widely known for their success in full-contact sports such as American football , rugby union , rugby league , boxing , professional wrestling , and mixed martial arts.

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Save to lightbox. A beautiful young Samoan woman wearing a pink lei and haku lei smiles against a background of muted green foliage.

Samoan woman sitting outside her house and is pounding cacao beans in her grinder, Western Samoa. Woman of the Samoan islands, 19th century.

The tiny Pacific island nation has shut down schools and imposed a curfew for children as the death toll for a measles outbreak reaches more than Samoan Woman.

Radewagen is the delegate for the U. House of Representatives. Amata Coleman Radewagen, U. The history of mankind. Samoan woman. The average weight of the men in theGilbert Islands is, according to Finsch, about 12 stone, the maximum a littleover In stature the Polynesians hold a medium position.

The minima fall just below 5 feet. Others are formed by doubling the noun; as pona , a knot; ponapona , knotty; fatu , a stone; fatufatu , stony.

Or they may be reckoned as nouns in the genitive. The plural is sometimes distinguished by doubling the first syllable; as sina , white; plural, sisina ; tele , great; pl.

In compound words the first syllable of the root is doubled; as maualuga , high; pl. Silisili ese , highest, ese , differing from all others.

Naua has often the meaning of "too much"; ua tele naua , it is greater than is required. For example:- The girl went to the house. SVO ; girl subject , went verb , house object.

A phrase or clause can be made negative by the addition of a particle , a morpheme usually meaning 'not'. Negative imperative verbs are discussed later in this entry.

In this example of a negated declarative sentence , it can be seen that, in Samoan, there is no equivalent gloss for 'unhappy'.

This particle can be attached to nearly all nouns and non-ergative verbs. The particles forming a category are not always mutually exclusive: for instance, while two negative particles cannot be combined, certain prepositions can occur together.

This demonstrates that the negative particle must always follow these two types of preceding particles in the sentence, even if they are both present.

They differ from all other Samoan verbs in at least one respect: they cannot be negated by a negative particle. It seems that the inclusion of negation in the verb itself disallows the negative particle from the sentence structure.

PL car. In this example, the existential verb leai has been used to indicate the absence of something that is, the cars rather than using a negative particle.

However, a negative particle lei has been used in the second clause , modifying the verbal clause to create the phrase "the roads did NOT reach there", with the emphasis on the absence of the roads in that area.

This means that leai acts as if non-existence is a general fact, rather than linking it to a specific point in time.

When another verb follows leai within the same verb phrase , it functions as a more emphatic negation meaning something like "not at all".

This is demonstrated in the following example:. These negative imperative verbs can be used independently of negative particles; as the negation is in the verb itself, an extra particle is not required.

As discussed above, this sentence does not require a negative particle, because the negative imperative verb is sufficient. The language has a polite or formal variant used in oratory and ceremony as well as in communication with elders, guests, people of rank and strangers.

The consonant system of colloquial Samoan "casual Samoan", or "tautala leaga" as it is known is slightly different from the literary language "proper Samoan", or "tautala lelei" , and is referred to as K speech or K style.

Therefore, in colloquial Samoan speech, common consonant replacements occur such as: [11] [18]. The gagana fa'aaloalo polite speech register is used by lower-ranking people to address people of higher status, such as their family matai chief, government officials, or clergy.

It is also the formal register used among chiefs during ceremonial occasions and social rites such as funerals, weddings, chiefly title bestowals and village council meetings.

It is not common for entire conversations to be held in chiefly register, and the "dignified language" is used mainly in making formal introductions between individuals, opening and concluding formal meetings, and executing ceremonial tasks such as the Samoa 'ava ceremony.

It is also considered proper to use the "polite" language when praying. Untitled people those without matai chief titles who are unfamiliar with each other will often greet each other in chiefly register as a common courtesy, while familiar individuals frequently use chiefly addresses in jest as in humorously addressing friends with "talofa lava lau afioga" — "respectful greetings your highness" — instead of the more colloquial "malo sole!

Another polite form of speech in "polite" Samoan includes terms and phrases of self-abasement that are used by the speaker in order to show respect and flatter the listener.

Overshadowing the dignity or prestige of higher-ranking individuals is a grave offense in Samoan culture, so words are chosen very carefully to express individual feelings in a way that acknowledges relative statuses within social hierarchy.

Encounters with Europeans began in the s, followed by the era of colonialism in the Pacific. Samoan was only a spoken language until the early to mids when Christian missionaries began documenting the spoken language for religious texts and introducing the Latin script for writing.

In , an orthography of the language was distributed by the London Missionary Society , which also set up a printing press by The first problem that faced the missionaries in Polynesia was that of learning the language of the island, which they intended to convert to Christianity.

The second was that of identifying the sounds in the local languages with the symbols employed in their own languages to establish alphabets for recording the spelling of native words.

Having established more-or-less satisfactory alphabets and spelling, teaching the indigenous people how to write and read their own language was next necessary.

A printing press , with the alphabet keys used only English, was part of the mission equipment, and it was possible not only to translate and write out portions of the Bible scriptures, and hymns in the local language but also to print them for use as texts in teaching.

Thus, the missionaries introduced writing for the first time within Polynesia, were the first printers and established the first schools in villages.

The letter g represents a velar nasal, as in the English word sing, rather than a voiced velar stop, as in the English go.

It contains sections on Samoan proverbs and poetry, and an extensive grammatical sketch. The term mano was an utmost limit until the adoption of loan words like miliona million and piliona billion.

Otherwise, quantities beyond mano were referred to as manomano or ilu ; that is, innumerable. The prefix fa'a is also used to indicate the number of times.

For example; fa'atolu — three times. Or fa'afia? The prefix "lona" or "le" indicates sequential numbering, as in "lona lua" second , lona tolu third , "le fa" fourth ; "muamua" or "ulua'i" denote "first".

Familial sequence was denoted with terms such as ulumatua "eldest" , ui'i "youngest" , and ogatotonu "middle child" ; first and last born were also deemed honorifically, pa le manava "opening the womb" and pupuni le manava "sealing the womb" , respectively.

To denote the number of persons, the term to'a is used. For example; E to'afitu tagata e o i le pasi. The suffix "lau" is used when formally counting fish, in reference to the customary plaiting of fish in leaves "lau" before cooking.

For example: "tolu lau" — three fishes. There are also formal prefixes or suffixes used in the chiefly register when counting different species of fish, taro , yams , bananas , chickens , pigs , and other foodstuffs.

Despite the geographical distance, there are many shared words between different Austronesian languages. Note the presence of IPA key where available.

Though it is not the primary language of a number of nations outside of Samoa, there is an effort by the descendants of Samoans to learn the native language of their ancestors and to better understand their origins and history.

Much like any language, a shift is occurring in the way words are spoken and pronounced, especially as Samoans further integrate with other languages.

Unfortunately, most looking to learn Samoan are forced to turn to written materials instead of living examples.

To preserve the language, linguists must use diacritical marks. Without them, the actual pronunciations of words quickly become altered and lost.

Below is another example of a sentence with and without diacritical marks from the Samoan Bible O le tusi paia, o le Feagaiga Tuai ma le Feagaiga fou lea [1] :.

Samoan diacritical marks may seem confusing at first due to the way the language shifts based on context. Also, the mixed use of diacritical marks in literature and even within the same publication can surprise non-native speakers.

This is evident in the Bible translation created by early missionaries and Reverend George Pratt which features markings in some words and not others.

Part of it was due to the need to save time on the writing and typesetting and to use the markings as a guideline. The use of the diacritical marks are not only prevalent in Samoan but also other proto-Polynesian languages, such as Hawaiian, where similar pronunciation losses exist.

Since native speakers understand how a word should be pronounced without the markings, words are commonly written and accepted with the markings absent.

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